Were I Blair LM Kelley, the African-American historian who
is an assistant dean at North Carolina State University, I would have written
the same article that she did. But I'm not, and I will tell you what she- and others- won't.
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Kelley echoes the concerns of many Democrats about the "harsh policing tactics and
gentrification policies" New York City mayor Bloomberg imposed and which
he defended "as recently as five years ago." She recognizes that
Bloomberg's apology for stop-and-frisk "felt staged — and it came well
after a change of heart would have made a substantive difference."
Moreover, she understands
most of my neighbors don't track NYC politics as closely as
they do local politics (and) their focus is often on their place in a city and
the state, not urban politics hundreds of miles away. They have probably heard
the term "stop-and-frisk," but it likely isn't as front of mind as
the coming school board election.
That's a sound, important point to make. However, she
ultimately argues
Bloomberg's strength, surely crafted by some smart and
experienced staffers, is the direct appeal to black people. Black voters don't
want to be taken for granted. They don't want to be ignored. They don't like
campaigns where none of the issues affecting their lives are addressed. They
like campaigns that talk about investing in black communities that have been
poisoned by pollution and neglect. They care about investments in our schools.
They desperately want to see an end to gun violence. They want to close the
racial wealth gap. They like to be recognized and heard.
Crass calculation or not, Bloomberg has been putting black
voices front and center in his advertising.... The time to invest directly and
boldly in engaging black audiences is past due for the rest of the Democratic
field.
It shouldn't be necessary to point out that the other
candidates have but a small fraction of the money Bloomberg has to invest in
the campaign. They cannot have the a
staff as large or as well paid, nor saturate the air waves as Bloomberg has
done, nor serve swanky hors d'oeuvres at campaign events. Money talks- and sometimes it says "I'm a winner."
Black voters are recognized and
heard in the Democratic process. As a white, let me assure Kelley: white voters
know that African-Africans are front and center among the concerns of
white Democratic politicians. There is a reason more whites have
voted for the presidential nominee of the Republican Party than of the Democratic Party in the last twelve
(12) presidential elections and that no part of what may be considered the
civil rights, or black, agenda ever is directly opposed by any Democrat in any
presidential nominating contest. Blacks are not stupid, and neither are whites.
The popular base of the Republican Party is white
evangelicals, who were wary of Donald Trump in 2016 until he emerged as the
clear favorite to win the party's nomination. Now, they are his most loyal
constituency- not only because they approve of his policies but also because he
is their president. He attacks their enemies- Democrats, liberals, the media,
and others- constantly and has demonstrated that he can win.
A similar dynamic holds sway in the Democratic Party. The
popular base is generally black voters. It is, more specifically, non-young
African-American women.
Bernie Sanders clearly is the favorite of young blacks, for
whom party- the Democratic Party- is not the highest political priority. (Not
coincidentally, young whites also are particularly fond of the Vermont
senator.)
Joe Biden was the
early and undisputed favorite of middle-aged and elderly blacks. He had been
not only the loyal vice-president to the first black president, he was more
than any candidate the face of the Democratic establishment. More than anyone, he represented the party of
which blacks are the most loyal supporters, and for which they are the party's popular
base.
Way back then- a few months ago- Biden also was widely
(though not here) viewed as the most electable Democrat and the one most feared
by the incumbent GOP president. He was the one seen as most likely to bring it
on home, to secure victory for the Democratic Party. It was only logical and
reasonable that African-Americans, the engine of the party, were partial to the
Delawarean.
No longer. There now
are serious doubts about Biden's electability.
Further, as his numbers decline, he now is no longer perceived as the
face of the party, nor even the figure clearly representing the party establishment.
Enter Mike Bloomberg, with his billions to spend on
nomination and election, which in turn persuades voters he can win. In general, the election is viewed by fewer
blacks as a theoretical exercise or one that must be dominated by ideological
preference. Call it "white
privilege" or whatever you will, but many of us whites have the luxury of
supporting the more progressive candidate (which is certainly not Bloomberg), who is most
likely to enact policies which are beneficial, especially fopr African-Americans
However, among a significant percentage of blacks, victory
is key. A political scientist lays out
the perspective of many Bloomberg supporters and- although unspoken- that of
black voters especially:
Its not just the ads guys. Yes, the ads matter in terms of their base existence. But what is really mattering is the message of the ads- we are in an existential crisis & I can destroy Trump.— Rachel "The Doc" Bitecofer 📈🔭🍌 (@RachelBitecofer) February 14, 2020
That's the message voters are hungriest for- even if they don't consciously know it. https://t.co/ZRr55CbhvL
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